April 11, 2004, 12:26AM
Bush's indifference is most troublingBy DAVID S.
BRODER
In her testimony before the 9/11 commission on Thursday, National
Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice gave glimpses of the inner
workings of the Bush White House that were extraordinarily revealing
for this highly secretive administration.
Anyone who listened closely to her three hours on the stand could
glean much about the strengths and weaknesses of this White House, a
place where few outsiders have gained much of a clue about how it
really operates.
What emerged was a picture of an organization with great
discipline and a strong belief in orderly structures and clearly
articulated concepts and policies. But it is also a top-down
bureaucracy, with little capacity for hearing variant viewpoints or
testing its theories against the practical wisdom of front-line
operatives.
Rice was at her most impressive in outlining the steps the Bush
team took when it inherited a faltering anti-terrorism campaign from
its predecessors in the Clinton administration. For the sake of
continuity in day-to-day operations, it carried over the team that
had been at work under the now-famous Richard Clarke. But it also
soon launched its own structured effort to devise a more aggressive
long-term strategy for countering and if possible eliminating the
threat from al-Qaida and similar organizations.
The strategic planning was delegated to a team of second-level
operatives, given only the general guidance that the new president
wanted not a series of limited counterstrokes, but a design that
would vanquish this hidden enemy.
The Bush administration has denounced Clarke for saying that
countering terrorism was not an "urgent" priority for it before
9/11. But when former Republican Sen. Slade Gorton of Washington
asked Rice if "you and the administration simply believed that you
had more time to meet this challenge of al-Qaida than was in fact
the case," she replied: "It is true that we understood that to meet
this challenge it was going to take time. It was a multiyear program
to try and meet the challenge of al-Qaida." Staff work on the
strategy was completed one week before the attacks on the World
Trade Center and the Pentagon, but it did not reach the president
until after the event.
Meantime, the air was full of warnings throughout the summer of
2001, and that is where the top-down, insulated Bush managerial
style really came up short. Someone -- presumably Rice herself --
decided that the threat response should be coordinated by Clarke's
interagency group, not by the Cabinet officers or the president
himself. Orders supposedly went out to the relevant agencies.
But as Jamie Gorelick, a Democratic commission member, pointed
out, the secretary of transportation and the head of the Federal
Aviation Administration said they never heard of the threats. What
is worse, as Gorelick and former Rep. Tim Roemer of Indiana
documented, there is no evidence that the FBI ever followed through
on the instruction to alert its field offices to step up the hunt
for domestic terrorists.
No one knows whether any of these missing steps could have
prevented 9/11. But the clear impression left so far is that the
president was blissfully unaware that the steps that had been
ordered by his second-team coordinators had not been carried out.
Rice insisted that it was unfair to say the top officials were
not engaged. When Roemer asked why she had never let Clarke, the
in-house anti-terrorism expert, brief the president himself, she
replied, "Well, the president was meeting with his director of
central intelligence." Clarke would have been brought in, she said,
when the slowly developing new strategy was ready for the
president's eyes. All in good time.
What is missing from the story, as it has emerged so far, is any
sense that Bush himself was reaching down below the top levels of
the White House staff or the intelligence agencies, trying to inform
himself of what was happening down in the trenches. John Kennedy was
famous in his time for picking up the phone and asking desk officers
deep in the State Department or smart congressional staffers what
they knew about something of interest to him. Kennedy was a
journalist at heart, not, like Bush, a Harvard Business School grad.
That kind of curiosity is as important to the presidency as the
best-organized staff system.
Broder, a Pulitzer Prize-winning political reporter, writes a
nationally syndicated column from Washington, D.C.(davidbroder@washpost.com)
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